Download Asia's Giants: Comparing China and India by E. Friedman, B. Gilley PDF

By E. Friedman, B. Gilley

This edited quantity reconsiders the traditional knowledge that argues that the comparative functionality of China has been stronger to that of India, bringing jointly new paradigms for comparing international locations by way of economics, social coverage, politics, and international relations. Essays convey that if no longer outright incorrect, traditional knowledge has confirmed to be overly simplified. The publication brings out the complexity and richness of the India-China comparability.

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Extra resources for Asia's Giants: Comparing China and India

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Easy reforms in areas like licensing, exchange rates, and banking came first. Then the government moved into more difficult reforms in labor, state ownership, and welfare, moving ahead piecemeal unlike the “shock therapy” in China. The Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won office in 1998 for many reasons but one of them was fears that the economic reforms of Congress was already too much an elite-driven, top-down process. Right here we have a startling contrast with China, where there was never any popular voice, much less veto, over economic reforms.

For the pre-reform period, it is difficult to argue that China did better than India given the moral costs of ongoing “democide” under Mao and the “wound literature” that it spawned. In the reform era, evidence suggests that citizens in both countries consider their states as successes, and thus that the particular mixtures of welfare and freedoms each state has provided are weighted by citizens in each country such as to produce roughly comparable performance. However, a big question mark hangs over the Chinese side of this calculation.

In a 72-country dataset that includes China and India (Gilley 2006). 2. Attitudinal support is a composite of views of the protection of human rights, confidence in police, confidence in the civil service, and system support, taken from the World Values Survey IV (1999–2002) and Global Barometer surveys. The three behavioral indicators concern the extent of political violence (the incidence of violence in political protest, taken from the World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators for the years 1996–2000), turnouts to elections (at the village and township level in China’s case), and the state’s ability to rely on easily avoidable taxes such as those in income and corporate profits.

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