By Hugh Davis Graham
While the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 have been handed, they have been obvious as triumphs of liberal reform applauded via nearly all of americans. yet at the present time, as Hugh Graham indicates in Collision path, affirmative motion is foundering within the nice waves of immigration from Asia and Latin the United States, resulting in direct clash for jobs, housing, schooling, and govt choice courses. How did such well-intended legislation come to loggerheads? Graham argues sea swap happened in American political existence within the overdue Sixties, while a approach of cut up government--one get together preserving the White residence, the opposite maintaining Congress--divided authority and greater the power of curiosity teams to win multiplied merits. In civil rights, this ended in a shift from nondiscrimination to the race-conscious treatments of demanding affirmative motion. In immigration, it ended in a surge that by way of 2000 had introduced 35 million immigrants to the US, 26 million of them Asian or Latin American and for that reason eligible, as "official minorities," for affirmative motion personal tastes. The guidelines collided while employers, appearing lower than affirmative motion plans, employed hundreds of thousands of immigrants whereas leaving excessive unemployment between inner-city blacks. Affirmative motion for immigrants stirred broad resentment and drew new consciousness to coverage contradictions. Graham sees a bothered destiny for either courses. because the economic system weakens and antiterrorist border controls tighten, the contest for jobs will accentuate strain on affirmative motion and invite new regulations on immigration. Graham's insightful interpretation of the unintentional outcomes of those rules is unique and arguable. a brief, concentrated, and even-handed narrative, it illuminates the various matters that vex the U.S. this present day.
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Additional resources for Collision Course: The Strange Convergence of Affirmative Action and Immigration Policy in America
By 1960, southerners chaired twelve of the eighteen standing committees in the House and nine of the thirteen in the Senate. Key committees usually chaired by southern Democrats included the powerful House Rules Committee, the gatekeeper committee with authority to prevent bills from reaching the House floor, and the Sen ate Judiciary Committee, where civil rights bills could be similarly bottled up. 14 As a consequence of these defenses, conservatives had always defeated liberal attacks on segregation or rendered them harmless.
This was changed, however, by the black civil rights movement in the South, led by courageous grassroots activists and inspired by the leadership of Martin Luther King. The Civil Rights Movement In retrospect, the triumph of "the Movement" in the 1960s seems inevitable. In reality, its path was halting, uncoordinated, and uncertain, especially before 1963. Its chief internal assets were a morally compelling cause, charismatic and courageous leadership that could overcome slip shod organization, and a rural black proletariat driven by a vision of jus tice and nurtured in the discipline of African-American churches.
The statutes of legislators and the decrees of judges banned discrimination. " They thereby avoided many dangers of ambi guity. Fifth, the essential guarantees of equal rights were procedural. They required equal treatment, not equal results. Equal opportunity meant free dom to demonstrate merit, not an entitlement to equal achievement. A sixth principle of the liberal accord was modern, not classical. This was centralization. Like the New Deal, the liberal accord of the 1960s required enforcement from Washington because federalism, with its def erence to local authority and tradition, had failed for too many generations to honor the first five principles.